Saturday, June 13, 2009

Nòt pou laprès

Nou nan Selil Fanmi Lavalas New Jersey leve vwa-n' byen wo pou'n peye omaj a Pè Gerard Jean-Juste ki pa la avèk nou ankò.
Jodi-a si nou pa gen-yen Pè Jean-Juste avèk nou, se akoz arestasyon brital 21 Jiyè 2005 lan, ak move tretman li te sibi sou gouvènman ilegal la. Ann souliye ke yo panse yo kraze sèlman youn Lavalasyen, men tout moun ki gen bon sans konnen Pè Jean-Juste te plis ke sa; se te youn imanis, se te youn patizan respè prensip ak lalwa, Ayisyen kou etraje anndan kou deyò peyi-a rekonèt li te fè anpil bon bagay pou sa ki pa te gen vwa yo.

Lavalas ka pwan pigwo kou-a men se pa Lavalas sèl ki pèdi, se tout peyi-a oubyen menm tout lemoun ki pèdi. Kou-a fè nou mal, se sa ki fè nou mete vwa nou ansanm ak tout lòl konpatriyòt pou-n mande
jistis pou Pè Jean-Juste.

Youn sèl nou fèb, ansanm nou fò, ansanm ansanm nou se Lavalas.

Pou Selil la :
Kesny Ernitil
Dorce Joseph Jean-Claude
Willy Brice
Linne Calixte

Les Haïtiens veulent Aristide et personne d’autre!

par André Maltais

Mondialisation.ca, Le 15 juin 2009

L'aut'journal.info

En faisant tout récemment de Bill Clinton l’envoyé spécial des Nations-Unies pour Haïti, le Secrétaire général Ban Ki-Moon demande à l’ex-président des États-Unis de « stabiliser un pays qu’il a lui-même aidé à déstabiliser ».

Ainsi s’exprime le correspondant de la chaîne de télévision latino-américaine Telesur, Jeremy Scahill, qui appelle l’ONU à « faire la lumière sur le rôle joué par la communauté internationale dans la destruction et l’échec du gouvernement constitutionnel en Haïti ».

Clinton, rappelle Scahill, arrive au pouvoir en 1992, soit un an après que les États-Unis eurent appuyé le coup d’état du général Raoul Cédras et de ses bandes paramilitaires (les FRAPH) contre le gouvernement élu de Jean-Bertrand Aristide.

Pendant que, en public, Clinton et ses conseillers expriment leur consternation, dans la pratique, ils conditionnent le retour d’Aristide à l’adoption de politiques néolibérales et surtout à la non-prolongation de son mandat pour compenser le temps perdu en exil.

De plus, poursuit Scahill, Aristide devait remplacer son discours social par celui de la réconciliation entre riches et pauvres et inclure plusieurs de ses anciens opposants dans un futur gouvernement de coalition.

Pendant ces trois interminables années de négociations, les forces conservatrices haïtiennes s’incorporent partout dans les institutions du pays. Et, bien sûr, les États-Unis peuvent d’autant plus impunément contrôler Haïti qu’ils interviennent contre les « méchants » instigateurs d’un coup d’état.

Aujourd’hui, Bill Clinton revient s’occuper d’Haïti, cette fois après que le même Aristide que la population persiste à élire, eut été séquestré et déporté de son propre pays et en pleine nuit, par des officiels états-uniens avec l’active complicité du Canada et de la France.

Dans un article paru sur le portail internet Global Research, Jean Saint-Vil nous apprend que c’est à Gatineau, au Québec, que, les 31 janvier et 1er février 2003, le gouvernement canadien de Paul Martin organise secrètement la première réunion de planification de ce second renversement d’Aristide.

Baptisée « Initiative d’Ottawa sur Haïti », la rencontre à laquelle aucun Haïtien ne participe, conclue d’imposer à Haïti une tutelle de type de celle alors exercée au Kosovo, de ressusciter les forces armées haïtiennes dissoutes par Aristide et de former une nouvelle force de police.

Pendant l’année qui précède la déportation d’Aristide, nous dit Saint-Vil, l’aide canadienne de l’ACDI est allée en grande partie aux groupes de pression anti-Aristide comme la Coalition nationale des droits des haïtiens (CNDH).

Au lendemain du coup d’état, cette ONG demande au Canada et reçoit « dans un délai de moins de cinq jours ouvrables », précise Saint-Vil, un nouveau montant de 100.000 dollars pour aider « les victimes du régime Lavalas ». Le rapport qui s’ensuit mène directement à l’emprisonnement du premier ministre Yvon Neptune sur de fausses accusations de génocide.

Dix mois plus tard, soit le 6 décembre 2004, le gouvernement canadien annonce une nouvelle aide à Haïti et, aussitôt, le président haïtien de facto, Gérard Latortue, consacre 29 millions $ à la remobilisation d’ex-soldats et paramilitaires que, depuis deux ans, la CIA recrutait et entraînait en République-Dominicaine voisine.

Wooldy Edson Louidor et Angelica Rocio Lopez Granada, dans un article paru sur le site internet Rebelion, soulignent que le budget du gouvernement Préval dépend à 60% de l’aide étrangère.

Malgré cela, disent-ils, à l’approche de la nouvelle saison des ouragans, les 800.000 victimes des quatre tempêtes de 2008 sont plus vulnérables que jamais et, un an après les violentes émeutes de la faim, la Coordination nationale de la sécurité alimentaire affirme que plus de trois millions d’Haïtiens sont affectés par l’insécurité alimentaire.

Dans le même sens, Saint-Vil dénonce « la contradiction incroyablement gênante entre l’aide multimillionnaire que le Canada destine à la reconstruction de la police haïtienne et du système de justice et le fait que, selon plusieurs études indépendantes, ces mêmes institutions sont aujourd’hui en pire condition qu’il y a cinq ans ».

Depuis le coup d’état de 2004, en plus de la police de Port-au-Prince, l’occupant canadien est responsable du Bureau de lutte contre le trafic de stupéfiants et de l’unité anti-kidnappings, deux institutions devenues particulièrement inefficaces.

Outre l’argent et les armes, Saint-Vil pointe aussi le racisme et la solidarité de classe en tant que piliers du régime d’après-2004.

En caricaturant les supporteurs d’Aristide en « chimères » et en « bandits », écrit-il, « les médias ont réussi à unir tous les partis politiques derrière les forces étrangères, même la plate-forme Lespwa, de René Préval, ex-compagnon d’Aristide dont la victoire électorale de 2006 a pourtant été sauvée par les protestations massives de la population ».

Saint-Vil souligne « l’étroit réseau de liens entre ambassadeurs de Port-au-Prince, directeurs d’ONG, importateurs d’aliments et propriétaires d’usines d’assemblages; tous vivant dans les mêmes quartiers, envoyant leurs enfants dans les mêmes écoles et se créant une appartenance commune de type apartheid (…) une mentalité de classe assiégée qui doit se protéger des autres sauvages ».

Dans ce contexte, il est important pour les occupants étrangers que des élections soient régulièrement tenues même si elles n’ont de démocratique que le nom.

La dernière de celles-ci avait lieu le 19 avril. Ce jour-là, la population haïtienne devait combler douze des trente postes de sénateurs du pays sans pouvoir voter pour un seul candidat du parti de Jean-Bertrand Aristide, Famni Lavalas.

C’est que, le 6 février dernier, le Conseil électoral provisoire (CEP) d’Haïti avait purement et simplement disqualifié tous les candidats de Lavalas au motif que leurs papiers d’enregistrement ne portaient pas la signature d’Aristide (qui est en exil!), une procédure invoquée pour la toute première fois.

Après l’annonce, rapporte l’agence haïtienne Radio métropole, les officiels du CEP n’étaient pas disponibles pour commenter leur décision. S’attendant à des protestations, ils s’étaient barricadés d’avance dans leurs quartiers généraux, bien protégés par les tanks de la MINUSTAH (Mission des Nations-Unies pour Haïti).

Les dirigeants de Lavalas ont répliqué en poursuivant le CEP et en appelant au boycottage des élections sénatoriales.

Un juge, Jean-Claude Douyon, a donné raison aux poursuivants, statuant que le CEP devait réintégrer les candidats Lavalas dans le processus électoral. Quelques jours plus tard, Douyon était congédié pour « corruption » par le ministre de la justice de René Préval, Jean-Joseph Exume!

Mais le plus bel appui qu’a reçu Lavalas et que Bill Clinton fera sans doute semblant d’ignorer, est l’incroyable réponse de la population au boycottage des élections. Le 19 avril, en effet, journée nationale d’élections, seulement 3% de la population s’est présenté aux bureaux de scrutins!

Redoutant de nuire le moindrement à la politique étrangère canadienne et malgré l’importante communauté haïtienne de Montréal, aucun grand média québécois n’a rapporté cet extraordinaire acte de résistance pacifique d’un peuple qui, depuis 200 ans, est parmi ceux qui ont le plus souffert!

« Nous voulons féliciter la Communauté internationale pour son hypocrisie, ironise Ronald Fareau, l’un des leaders de Lavalas. Ils ont dépensé plus de 17 millions de dollars pour une autre fraude électorale en Haïti pendant que la population souffre de malnutrition et d’illettrisme ».

André Maltais est un collaborateur régulier de Mondialisation.ca. Articles de André Maltais publiés par Mondialisation.ca

Pour les médias: crgeditor@yahoo.com

© Droits d'auteurs André Maltais, L'aut'journal.info, 2009

L'adresse url de cet article est: www.mondialisation.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=13983

Mèsi Pè Jan Jis

Pè Jan Jis, nèg vanyan , nèg dAyiti
Nèg ki t ap goumen pou sa k pi piti
Kit se lakay, kit se Etazini
Pou pwoblèm yo, soufrans yo te fini

Moun ki te pran kantè al Miami
Plis lòt ki te san papye, san fanmi
Anna Ròz, Ti Jan, Ti Piè, Ti Mari
Mizè yo tout, se te mizè Jeri

An Ayiti, se jèn, timoun lari
Moun nan klas pòv, Jan Jis t ap sekouri
Soulye, rad, pou sa ki te toutouni
Sentaniz, Ti Pòl, Ti Zo, Ti Nini

Frè n Jan Jis t ap fè sa Jezi te di
Koze Jezi se pat koze kredi
Ni pawòl pou fè pòv ak pèp dòmi
Se pou sa, Jeri, Jezi, se zanmi

Toulede tou, se menm jan yo mouri
Chèf legliz te lage yo nan kouri
Paske yo pat konn fè Pèpap plezi
Lè yo t ap defann moun y ap toupizi

Konpatriyòt Jan Jis, se yon mati
Gouvènman Bonifas ak Latòti
Yo fè l pase anpil peripesi
Nan batay pou respè demokrasi

Tout sa, anba je moun Nasyonzini
Yo bat Jeri devan sòlda LONI
Sou lòd Bonòm Mari Lisi
Magali Komo ak Kwakou Jesi

Nan legliz Sen Pyè, zòt t ap aplodi
Lilian Pyè Pòl ak yon ekip bandi
Zak moun sa yo pat fè Jeri sezi
Se konsa, lè se kan pèp ou chwazi

Chanpyon dwa moun, bon disip Jezikri
Se sa jounalis gwo peyi ekri
Tankou Wilyam Grayms, Bil Frogameni
Laprès GNBis la, se kalonmni

Delege LONI, Edi Anabi
Aprè tout enjistis Jeri sibi
GNBis paka rete enpini
Nou mande pou mechan sa yo pini

Jeri tande n, frè, salye Izmeri
Potorik gason, Vensan Jan Mari
Tanpri di yo mouche Preval trayi
Pèp la pa ka jwenn menm yon plat mayi

Pè Jan Jis, pou tout sa w te fè ‘’Mèsi’’
Kwè m frè n, ou pa mouri pou granmesi
Tanmen Wanament bout jouk Jeremi
Lit la ap kontinye,jis mayi mi

Père Renaud François
Montréal,Canada.

Open Letter Condemn Exclusion of Haiti’s Largest Party from Ballot

NGO Leaders, Scholars Call for OAS, UN to Support Holding New, Inclusive Elections in Haiti

Signers of Open Letter Condemn Exclusion of Haiti’s Largest Party from Ballot

For Immediate Release: June 2, 2009

Contact: Fritz Gutwein, Haiti Reborn Program, (301) 699-0042

Brian Concannon Jr., Institute for Justice & Democracy in Haiti, (541) 432-0597

Washington DC and Joseph, OR – Over 30 directors of human rights and solidarity groups, academics, and prominent individuals from Haiti, the U.S., France and the U.K. sent an open letter to Organization of American States Secretary-General José Miguel Insulza and United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon today urging them to acknowledge the grave problems with Haiti’s April 19 senatorial elections – most notably the exclusion of all candidates from the largest political party in Haiti, Fanmi Lavalas. Calling the decision to exclude Fanmi Lavalas seemingly “arbitrary and irregular,” the letter’s signers urged the OAS and the UN to support the holding of new, inclusive elections. The letter is signed by Mario Joseph, Managing Attorney for Bureau des Avocats Internationaux in Haiti, Bishop Thomas Gumbleton, Brian Concannon Jr., Director of the Institute for Justice & Democracy in Haiti, Nicole Lee, Executive Director of TransAfrica Forum, Fritz Gutwein of Haiti Reborn, and Bill Fletcher Jr., Executive Editor of BlackCommentator.com, among others.

As described in the letter, Haiti’s Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) decided to exclude Fanmi Lavalas candidates based on the technicality that the party’s head, former president Jean Bertrand Aristide, had not signed the forms to register the candidates. Aristide lives in South Africa, under pressure from the U.S. government not to return to Haiti, and the CEP deemed a fax of Aristide’s signature to be insufficient. The letter notes that the CEP did not require such conditions for Fanmi Lavalas candidates to be registered in the 2006 elections. The international community – including the UN, the U.S., and Canada condemned Fanmi Lavalas’ exclusion ahead of the elections.

In response to the barring of its candidates, Fanmi Lavalas called for a boycott of the elections. Turnout was low, with the CEP saying that 11 percent of eligible voters cast a ballot on April 19. Despite Fanmi Lavalas’ exclusion, the apparent widespread participation in the boycott, and various irregularities in the electoral process, Insulza claimed that the elections were “part of an invigorated and persistent democratic exercise … contributing to the institutional consolidation of that country.” The United Nations peacekeeping mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) “applauded” the elections. Various Senators and politicians in Haiti from across the political spectrum have meanwhile called for the elections to be invalidated.

The letter is available at http://www.ijdh.org/pdf/headline6-2-09.pdf

http://www.hayti.net/tribune/index.php?mod=articles&ac=commentaires&id=704

Traduction française de l´anglais:

http://www.hayti.net/tribune/index.php?mod=articles&ac=commentaires&id=705

Lettre ouverte à l’OEA et à l’ONU

Traduit de l’anglais

Monsieur le Secrétaire Général Ban et Monsieur le Secrétaire Général Insulza,

Nous, les pétitionnaires, sommes préoccupés par le communiqué, émis par vos organisations, de support inconditionnel pour les élections sénatoriales non démocratiques du 19 avril 2009. Le Secrétaire Général Insulza prétend que les élections font « partie d’un processus revigoré et persévérant ... qui contribue a la consolidation institutionnelle de ce pays ». La mission de maintien de la paix en Haïti (MINUSTAH) a “applaudi” la publication des résultats des élections le 28 avril.[1]

Ces déclarations négligent le fait que la majorité des électeurs haïtiens ont apparemment boycotté l’élection en raison de l’exclusion injustifié des urnes du plus grand parti politique, le Fanmi Lavalas (FL). Le fort taux d’abstention ne caractérise pas une simple “indifférence”, comme vous l’avez décrit, mais bien plutôt un support en masse du boycott. L’élection a aussi été marquée par de nombreuses interruptions qui ont empêché les gens de voter. Quelques sénateurs et politiques de tous bords du spectre politique ont demandé que l’élection du 19 avril soit invalidée en raison du faible taux de participation et de l’exclusion du FL. C’est pourquoi nous demandons à l’OEA de revoir sa position au sujet des élections sénatoriales du 19 avril 2009 en Haïti, afin de soutenir l’organisation de nouvelles élections.

Traduction française de l´anglais:

http://www.hayti.net/tribune/index.php?mod=articles&ac=commentaires&id=705

The letter is available at http://www.ijdh.org/pdf/headline6-2-09.pdf

http://www.hayti.net/tribune/index.php?mod=articles&ac=commentaires&id=704

Revolutionary Haitian Priest, Gerard Jean-Juste, Presente!

http://www.commondreams.org/view/2009/05/31

Published on Sunday, May 31, 2009 by CommonDreams.org

Revolutionary Haitian Priest, Gerard Jean-Juste, Presente!

by Bill Quigley

Though Haitian priest Father Gerard Jean-Juste died May 27, 2009, at age 62, in Miami from a stroke and breathing problems, he remains present to millions. Justice-loving people world-wide mourn his death and celebrate his life. Pere Jean-Juste worked uncompromisingly for justice for Haitians and the poor, both in Haiti and in the U.S.

Pere Jean-Juste was a Jesus-like revolutionary. In jail and out, he preached liberation of the poor, release of prisoners, human rights for all, and a fair distribution of wealth. A big muscular man with a booming voice and a frequent deep laugh, he wore a brightly colored plastic rosary around his neck and carried another in his pocket. Jailed for nearly a year in Haiti by the U.S. supported coup government which was trying to silence him, Amnesty International called him a Prisoner of Conscience.

Jean-Juste was a scourge to the unelected coup governments of Haiti, who served at the pleasure, and usually the direction, of the U.S. government. He constantly challenged both the powers of Haiti and the U.S. to stop killing and starving and imprisoning the poor. In the U.S. he fought against government actions which deported black Haitians while welcoming Cubans and Nicaraguans and others. In Haiti he called for democracy and respect and human rights for the poor.

Pere Jean-Juste was sometimes called the most dangerous man in Haiti. That was because he was not afraid to die. His computer screen saver was a big blue picture of Mary, the mother of Jesus. "Every day I am ready to meet her." He once told me, when death threats came again. "I will not stop working for justice because of their threats. I am looking forward to heaven."

Jean-Juste was a literally a holy terror to the unelected powers of Haiti and the elected but unaccountable powers of the U.S. Every single day, in jail or out, he said Mass, read the psalms and jubilantly prayed the rosary. In Port au Prince he slept on the floor of his church, St. Claire, which provided meals to thousands of starving children and adults every week. In prison, he organized local nuns to bring him hundreds of plastic rosaries which he gave to fellow prisoners and then lead them in daily prayer.

When Pere Jean-Juste began to speak, to preach really, about justice for the poor and the wrongfully imprisoned, restless crowds drew silent. Listening to him preach was like feeling the air change before a thunderstorm sweeps in. He slowly raised his arms. He spread his powerful hands to punctuate his intensifying words. Minutes passed as the Bible and the Declaration of Human Rights and today's news were interspersed. Justice for the poor. Freedom for those in prison. Comfort for those who mourn. The thunder was rolling now. Crowds were cheering now. Human rights for everyone. Justice for Haiti. Justice for Haiti. Justice for Haiti.

To the rich, Jean-Juste preached that the man with two coats should give one to the woman with none. But, unlike most preachers, he did not stop there. Because there were many people with no coats, Pere Jean-Juste said, no one could justly claim ownership of a second coat. In fact, those who held onto second coats were actually thieves who stole from those who had no coats. In Haiti and the U.S., where there is such a huge gap between the haves and the have-nots, there was much stealing by the rich from the poor. This was revolutionary preaching.

During the day, people streamed to his church to ask for help. Mothers walked miles from Cite de Soleil to his parish to beg him to help them bury their children. Widows sought help. Families with sons in prison asked for a private word. Small packets of money and food were quietly given away. Visitors from rural Haiti, people seeking jobs, many looking for food, police officers who warned of new threats, political organizers with ideas how to challenge the unelected government, reporters and people seeking special prayers - all came all the time.

Every single night when he was home at his church in Port au Prince Pere Jean-Juste led a half hour public rosary for anyone who showed up. Most of the crowd was children and older women who came in part because the church was the only place in the neighborhood which had electricity. He walked the length of the church booming out the first part of the Hail Mary while children held his hand or trailed him calling out their part of the rosary. The children and the women came night after night to pray in Kreyol with Mon Pere.

Pere Jean-Juste lived the preferential option for the poor of liberation theology. Because he was always in trouble with the management of the church, who he also freely criticized, he was usually not allowed regular church parish work. In Florida, he lay down in his clerical blacks on the road in front of busses stopping them from taking Haitians to be deported from the U.S. For years he lived on the run in Haiti, moving from house to house. When he was arrested on trumped up charges, he refused to allow people with money to bribe his way out of jail, he would stay with the poor and share their treatment.

He dedicated his entire adult life to the revolutionary proposition that every single person is entitled to a life of human dignity. No matter the color of skin. No matter what country they were from. No matter how poor or rich. No matter woman or man.

His last time in court in Haiti, when the judge questioned him about a bogus weapons charge against him, Pere Jean-Juste dug into his pocket, pulled out his plastic prayer beads, thrust them high in the air and bellowed, to the delight of the hundreds in attendance, "My rosary is my only weapon!" The crowd roared and all charges were dropped.

Gerard Jean-Juste lived with and fought for and with widows and orphans and those in jail and those being deported and the hungry and the mourning and the sick and the persecuted. Our world is better for his time among us.

Mon Pere, our brother, your spirit, like those of all who struggle for justice for others, lives on. Presente!

By Bill Quigley. Bill represented Pere Jean-Juste many times in Haiti along with the Bureau des Avocats Internationaux in Port au Prince and the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti. Bill is on leave from Loyola University College of Law in New Orleans serving as Legal Director of the Center for Constitutional Rights. He can be contacted at quigley77@gmail.com

LETTRE OUVERTE AU PRESIDENT DES ETATS-UNIS

Comité de résistance en France.

LETTRE OUVERTE AU PRESIDENT DES ETATS-UNIS
Monsieur BARACK OBAMA

PARIS, le 23/05/2009

Lire la suite:
http://www.hayti.net/tribune/index.php?mod=articles&ac=commentaires&id=701

Opérations portes fermées: Victoire des masses populaires

J. Fatal Piard

Le constat était général le dimanche 19 avril 2009. L’appel au boycott des farces électorales de Préval, Pierre-Louis, Verret, Aupont et acolytes, lancé par Fanmi Lavalas était fidèlement respecté sur l’ensemble du territoire. Comme l’on devait s’y attendre, les masses populaires sont devenues politiquement matures.
Refusant catégoriquement d’avaliser cette hâblerie, elles ont gardé barrières, portes et fenêtres hermétiquement fermées comme l’aurait dit notre collaborateur Fanfan Latour. Tôt dans la matinée du dimanche 19 avril, Le mot d’ordre de boycotte a été observé sur l’ensemble du territoire.

Lire la suite:
http://www.hayti.net/tribune/index.php?mod=articles&ac=commentaires&id=700

Père Gérard Jean Juste

Voilà que Père Gérard Jean Juste vient de rejoindre l’éternité. C’est une grande perte pour Haïti, mais aussi une grande perte pour nous tous, pour l’humanité entière… Nous sommes comme mutilés quelque part. Voilà un Juste ! (dans le sens biblique du mot)… La bonté et l’intuition du Père Jean Juste l’avaient mis en alerte sur toutes les situations d’injustice et d’intolérance qu’il y avait autour de lui. Premier de cordée, il était avec Antoine Adrien et d’autres, aux avant postes pour aider le peuple haïtien à se libérer. Loyal jusqu’au bout, il ne s’est jamais renié. Fidèle jusqu’au bout, il a traversé les pires souffrances de l’incompréhension avec un tel courage et une telle grandeur d’âme ! Intègre jusqu’au bout, il avait le sens du devoir. Militant jusqu’au bout, il a porté dignement et sans faillir le flambeau des Droits de l’Homme.
Il savait par intuition et par foi « qu’un grand amour m’attend » comme disait Saint Jean de la Croix, qui poursuivait « je viens me jeter dans ton amour, ton amour qui m’attend ».
La seule fois où j’ai pu le rencontrer il m’a redit avec force cette parole de Martin Luther King : « Une injustice commise quelque part est une menace pour la justice dans le monde ». Nous ne sommes pas prêts d’oublier!

Jean-Marie GAUTHIER
Conseiller Principal d’Education
Au LEP de Blanchet
(Basse-Terre - Guadeloupe)

Dr Jean-Bertrand Aristide Reveran Pè Gérard Jean Juste Triyonfe sou lanmò

Reveran Pè Gérard Jean Juste
Triyonfe sou lanmò

Téléchargements
Télécharger Texte
Télécharger Audio

Pè Jean Juste triyonfe
Paske nan pòt lanmò a,
Sèl paspò e sèl viza
Ki konte se LANMOU.

E se la ! Wi , wi, se la !
Se la, nan pòt lanmò a
Nou tout gen pou pase.
Se la, sèl paspò e sèl viza
Ki konte se LANMOU.

Se la, nan vil Jerizalèm,
Anndan jaden Jetsemani,
Arestasyon Jezu te fèt
Nan blakawout lahèn.

Se la, nan Petyon Vil,
Anndan legliz Sen Pyè,
Arestasyon Pè Djeri te fèt
Nan menm blakawout la.

Se la, sou tèt tèt mòn kalvè,
Tout bouji lanmou te etenn
Pou mechan yo sakrifye Jezu.

Se la, nan kacho prizon lakay,
Yo te deja sakrifye Pè Jean Juste
Sou lotèl kidnapinn 29 fevriye a.

Se la, akoz lanmou ki nan kè l,
Jezu te ofri tout san ki nan kò l
Pou wouze tout jaden delivrans.

Se la, nan swiv Jezu ke l renmen,
Pè Jean Juste ofri dènye gout san pa l
Pou Ayiti tounen yon tè delivrans.

Se la, nou ka dekouvri aklè
Pa gen pi gwo prèv lanmou
Pase lè ou sakrifye lavi ou
Pou moun ou renmen yo.

Se la tou nou dekouvri
Mouchwa konsolasyon
Pou siye dlo nan je moun
Ki renmen Frè nou an.

Onè pou ou, Pè Jean Juste !
Respè pou ou, Frè nou Djeri !
W ap toujou ret byen vivan
Nan lespri moun ki renmen w.
Se la ou triyonfe sou lanmò !

Plis nou rale zetwal konpliman
Pou ofri w kouwòn rekonesans,
Plis nap kontinye toujou sonje :

Se la, nan pòt lanmò a
Nou tout gen pou pase.
Se la, sèl paspò e sèl viza
Ki konte se LANMOU.

Dr Jean-Bertrand Aristide
Pretoria, 28 -05- 2009

Haiti's Great White Hope? - JamaicaObserver.com

Haiti's Great White Hope?

COMMON SENSE

JOHN MAXWELL

http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/columns/html/20090523T170000-0500_152049_OBS_HAITI_S_GREAT_WHITE_HOPE_.asp

Sunday, May 24, 2009

History is littered with treachery. In the noisome Slough of Dishonour are mired thousands of reputations, most of those who betrayed their own countries, like Pierre Laval, Vidkun Quisling, Jonas Savimbi and Augusto Pinochet.

JOHN MAXWELL

The deepest pits, though, the most purulent sinks, are reserved for those who have ranged abroad to betray and sabotage strangers, to inflict unnecessary suffering on people who have never given them cause for complaint. People like Leopold of Belgium, Neville Chamberlain, Hitler, Ariel Sharon and George W Bush spring readily to mind. On Monday, former President Clinton announced that he would accept an invitation from the UN secretary general, Ban Ki Moon of South Korea, to become the SG's personal envoy in Haiti. It is an appointment that will end in disaster. I mention Ban Ki Moon's nationality because I believe that the disaster that already exists in Haiti is the result of a culture clash which is entirely incomprehensible to most people outside the Western hemisphere and not easily understood by most people outside the international crime scene that has been created in Haiti.

Ground Zero for Modern Civilisation

It is my contention that the modern world was born in Haiti. When you understand that the modern rotary printing press is a direct descendant of mills made to grind sugar you may begin to get the drift of my argument. Since I am not a historian my arguments will not be subtle and nuanced. I am simply presenting a few crude facts which, however you interpret them, will lead inexorably, I believe, to the conclusion that modern ideas of liberty and freedom, modern capitalism and globalisation of production and exchange, would have spent much longer in gestation had it not been for the black slaves of Haiti who abolished slavery and the slave trade. In the process they defeated the armies of the leading world powers of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, destroyed the French empire in the western hemisphere, doubled the size and power of the United States and incidentally promoted the European sugar beet industry and revolutionised European farming.

The problem with all this, as I have repeatedly pointed out, is that had the Haitians been ethnically European, their achievements would now suffuse the world narrative; conversely, had Spartacus been black, he would long ago have faded into the mists of barbarian myth. The Haitians and all the other blacks of the Western hemisphere were uprooted from their native grounds, their civilisations laid waste, and they themselves transported to unknown lands in which they were forced to create unexampled riches and luxury for their rapists and despoilers.

For reasons lost to history, the blacks in Haiti and Jamaica were, for most of their captivity, the most unwilling subjects and continued to fight for their freedom for more than three centuries. The Enlightenment and its prophets and philosophers popularised the ideas of freedom and liberty, the rights of man. Nowhere was freedom taken more seriously than by the Haitians, who, described as Frenchmen, fought valiantly for American freedom in that nation's Revolutionary War of Independence. When Revolution convulsed France in turn, the Haitians threw their support to those they thought were fighting for freedom. When that proved a false trail, the Haitians continued to fight, defeating the French, British and Spanish armies sent to re-enslave them.

Although the Americans and the French said they believed in freedom, they formed an unholy combination to restrict Haiti's liberty. The fact of Haitian freedom frightened the Americans and other world powers. Haiti promised freedom to any captive who set foot on her soil and armed, provisioned and supplied trained soldiers to Simon Bolivar for the liberation of South America. Nearly 200 years before the United Nations (and France and the USA), Haiti proclaimed Universal Human Rights, threatening the slave societies in America and the Caribbean. Haiti's freedom was compromised by French and American financial blackmail, and as I've said before, what the Atlantic powers could not achieve by force of arms they achieved by compound interest. Haiti was the first heavily indebted poor country, and the United States, Canada, France and the multilateral financial organisations, the World Bank, the InterAmerican Development Bank and the IMF have worked hard to keep her in that bondage.

In this March 10, 2009 file photo, former US President Bill Clinton greets United Nations workers in Port-au-Prince. The United Nations recently named Clinton as its special envoy to Haiti, with a mission to help the impoverished nation achieve some measure of stability after devastating floods and other crises. (Photo: AP)

Eventually, 93 years ago, the Americans invaded Haiti, destroyed the constitution, the government and their social system. American Jim Crow segregation and injustice destroyed the Haitian middle class, enhanced and exacerbated class distinctions and antagonisms and left Haiti a ravaged, dysfunctional mess, ruled by a corrupt American-trained military in the interest of a small, corrupt gang of mainly expatriate or white capitalists, ready to support any and every murderous dictator who protected their interests.

Finally, 20 years ago, the Haitians rose up and overthrew the Duvaliers and the apprentice dictators who followed. In their first free election the Haitians elected a black parish priest of small stature, the man whose words and spirit had embodied their struggle. But the real rulers of Haiti, the corrupt, bloodthirsty capitalists with their American passports and their bulletproof SUVs, had no intention of letting Haitians exercise the universal human rights their leaders had proclaimed two centuries before.

When Jean Bertrand Aristide was deposed after a few months in office, it was with the help of the CIA, USAID, and other American entities. Then ensued one of the most disgraceful episodes in the long, unsavoury history of diplomacy. Bill Clinton - elected president promising to treat the Haitian refugees as human beings - elected instead to observe the same barbarous policies as George Bush I, and when the refugees became a flood, Clinton's answer was more illegality. He parked two massive floating slave barracoons in Kingston Harbour where refugees picked up in Jamaican waters were, with the craven connivance of the Patterson government, denied asylum, captured and processed and 22 per cent of them selected for the Guantanamo Bay concentration camp while the rest were returned to their murderers in Haiti.

Eventually, largely due to pressure from black pressure groups in the US and crucially, a fast to the death begun by Randolph Robinson, Clinton agreed to restore Aristide while General Colin Powell talked grandly of the soldier's honour he shared with Haiti's then murderer-in-chief, a scamp called Raoul Cedras. President Clinton made several pledges to Aristide and to Haiti, but history does not seem to record that any were kept. Had even a few been kept, Haiti may have been able to guarantee public security and to instal some desperately needed infrastructure. Instead Haitians are still scooping water to drink from potholes in the street and stave off hunger with 'fritters' made from earth and cooking fat.

The Haitian Army, the most corrupt and evil public institution in the western hemisphere, was abolished by Aristide, to the displeasure of the North American powers. Now that the Americans have deposed Aristide for the second time, security is in the hands of a motley mercenary army, a UN peacekeeping force. Security in Haiti is so good that three years ago, the then head of this force, a Brazilian general, was found shot to death after a friendly chat with Haitian elites. The rapes, massacres, disappearances and kidnappings continue unabated and the only popular political force, the Fanmi Lavalas, has been effectively neutered. President Clinton "will aim to attract private and government investment and aid for the poor Caribbean island nation", according to Clinton's office and a senior UN official. "A UN official said that Clinton would act as a 'cheerleader' for the economically distressed country, cajoling government and business leaders into pouring fresh money into a place that is largely dependent on foreign assistance."

It all sounds so nice and cosy, a poor, black 'hapless' nation under the tutelage of the rich and civilised of the earth. I am prepared to bet that neither Haitian democracy nor Bill Clinton's reputation will survive this appointment. Democracy is impossible without popular participation and decision making. In Haiti, democracy is impossible without Lavalas and Aristide. If Haiti itself is to survive, the UN General Assembly needs to seize this baton from the spectacularly unqualified and ignorant Security Council and its very nice and affable secretary general, even less attuned to Haitian reality than the last SG, Kofi Annan and his accomplices, Colin Powell, Condoleezza Rice, PJ Patterson and Patrick Manning.