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Y'a des gens qui ont des enfants parce qu'ils n'ont pas les moyens de s'offrir un chien. Coluche Citations... |
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Bienvenue à la Tribune Lavalas |
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Bienvenue sur notre site
L´Organisation Politique Fanmi Lavalas propose ce Site comme Organe de diffusion d´idées nouvelles. Cette tribune ouverte à tous les membres de l´Organisation et à ses sympathisants fonctionne suivant le principe de la PARTICIPATION. Chacun est libre de publier sur le site sans contrainte, mais avec respect et sens de responsabilité.
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Fanmi Lavalas New Jersey |
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Saturday, June 13, 2009
Nòt pou laprès
Nou nan Selil Fanmi Lavalas New Jersey leve vwa-n' byen wo pou'n peye omaj a Pè Gerard Jean-Juste ki pa la avèk nou ankò.
Jodi-a si nou pa gen-yen Pè Jean-Juste avèk nou, se akoz arestasyon brital 21 Jiyè 2005 lan, ak move tretman li te sibi sou gouvènman ilegal la. Ann souliye ke yo panse yo kraze sèlman youn Lavalasyen, men tout moun ki gen bon sans konnen Pè Jean-Juste te plis ke sa; se te youn imanis, se te youn patizan respè prensip ak lalwa, Ayisyen kou etraje anndan kou deyò peyi-a rekonèt li te fè anpil bon bagay pou sa ki pa te gen vwa yo.
Lavalas ka pwan pigwo kou-a men se pa Lavalas sèl ki pèdi, se tout peyi-a oubyen menm tout lemoun ki pèdi. Kou-a fè nou mal, se sa ki fè nou mete vwa nou ansanm ak tout lòl konpatriyòt pou-n mande
jistis pou Pè Jean-Juste.
Youn sèl nou fèb, ansanm nou fò, ansanm ansanm nou se Lavalas.
Pou Selil la :
Kesny Ernitil
Dorce Joseph Jean-Claude
Willy Brice
Linne Calixte
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Ajouté le Jeudi 18 juin 2009 à 11:18 par admin - (suite... | Aucun commentaire) |
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Les Haïtiens veulent Aristide et personne d’autre! |
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Les Haïtiens veulent Aristide et personne d’autre!
Les Haïtiens veulent Aristide et personne d’autre!
par André Maltais
Mondialisation.ca, Le 15 juin
2009 L'aut'journal.info
En
faisant tout récemment de Bill Clinton l’envoyé spécial des Nations-Unies
pour Haïti, le Secrétaire général Ban Ki-Moon demande à l’ex-président des
États-Unis de « stabiliser un pays qu’il a lui-même aidé à déstabiliser ».
Ainsi s’exprime le correspondant de la chaîne de
télévision latino-américaine Telesur, Jeremy Scahill, qui appelle l’ONU à
« faire la lumière sur le rôle joué par la communauté internationale dans
la destruction et l’échec du gouvernement constitutionnel en Haïti ».
Clinton, rappelle Scahill, arrive au pouvoir en 1992,
soit un an après que les États-Unis eurent appuyé le coup d’état du
général Raoul Cédras et de ses bandes paramilitaires (les FRAPH) contre le
gouvernement élu de Jean-Bertrand Aristide.
Pendant que, en public, Clinton et ses conseillers
expriment leur consternation, dans la pratique, ils conditionnent le
retour d’Aristide à l’adoption de politiques néolibérales et surtout à la
non-prolongation de son mandat pour compenser le temps perdu en exil.
De plus, poursuit Scahill, Aristide devait remplacer
son discours social par celui de la réconciliation entre riches et pauvres
et inclure plusieurs de ses anciens opposants dans un futur gouvernement
de coalition.
Pendant ces trois interminables années de négociations,
les forces conservatrices haïtiennes s’incorporent partout dans les
institutions du pays. Et, bien sûr, les États-Unis peuvent d’autant plus
impunément contrôler Haïti qu’ils interviennent contre les « méchants »
instigateurs d’un coup d’état.
Aujourd’hui, Bill Clinton revient s’occuper d’Haïti,
cette fois après que le même Aristide que la population persiste à élire,
eut été séquestré et déporté de son propre pays et en pleine nuit, par des
officiels états-uniens avec l’active complicité du Canada et de la France.
Dans un article paru sur le portail internet Global
Research, Jean Saint-Vil nous apprend que c’est à Gatineau, au Québec,
que, les 31 janvier et 1er février 2003, le gouvernement canadien de Paul
Martin organise secrètement la première réunion de planification de ce
second renversement d’Aristide.
Baptisée « Initiative d’Ottawa sur Haïti », la
rencontre à laquelle aucun Haïtien ne participe, conclue d’imposer à Haïti
une tutelle de type de celle alors exercée au Kosovo, de ressusciter les
forces armées haïtiennes dissoutes par Aristide et de former une nouvelle
force de police.
Pendant l’année qui précède la déportation d’Aristide,
nous dit Saint-Vil, l’aide canadienne de l’ACDI est allée en grande partie
aux groupes de pression anti-Aristide comme la Coalition nationale des
droits des haïtiens (CNDH).
Au lendemain du coup d’état, cette ONG demande au
Canada et reçoit « dans un délai de moins de cinq jours ouvrables »,
précise Saint-Vil, un nouveau montant de 100.000 dollars pour aider « les
victimes du régime Lavalas ». Le rapport qui s’ensuit mène directement à
l’emprisonnement du premier ministre Yvon Neptune sur de fausses
accusations de génocide.
Dix mois plus tard, soit le 6 décembre 2004, le
gouvernement canadien annonce une nouvelle aide à Haïti et, aussitôt, le
président haïtien de facto, Gérard Latortue, consacre 29 millions $ à la
remobilisation d’ex-soldats et paramilitaires que, depuis deux ans, la CIA
recrutait et entraînait en République-Dominicaine voisine.
Wooldy Edson Louidor et Angelica Rocio Lopez Granada,
dans un article paru sur le site internet Rebelion, soulignent que le
budget du gouvernement Préval dépend à 60% de l’aide étrangère.
Malgré cela, disent-ils, à l’approche de la nouvelle
saison des ouragans, les 800.000 victimes des quatre tempêtes de 2008 sont
plus vulnérables que jamais et, un an après les violentes émeutes de la
faim, la Coordination nationale de la sécurité alimentaire affirme que
plus de trois millions d’Haïtiens sont affectés par l’insécurité
alimentaire.
Dans le même sens, Saint-Vil dénonce « la contradiction
incroyablement gênante entre l’aide multimillionnaire que le Canada
destine à la reconstruction de la police haïtienne et du système de
justice et le fait que, selon plusieurs études indépendantes, ces mêmes
institutions sont aujourd’hui en pire condition qu’il y a cinq ans ».
Depuis le coup d’état de 2004, en plus de la police de
Port-au-Prince, l’occupant canadien est responsable du Bureau de lutte
contre le trafic de stupéfiants et de l’unité anti-kidnappings, deux
institutions devenues particulièrement inefficaces.
Outre l’argent et les armes, Saint-Vil pointe aussi le
racisme et la solidarité de classe en tant que piliers du régime
d’après-2004.
En caricaturant les supporteurs d’Aristide en «
chimères » et en « bandits », écrit-il, « les médias ont réussi à unir
tous les partis politiques derrière les forces étrangères, même la
plate-forme Lespwa, de René Préval, ex-compagnon d’Aristide dont la
victoire électorale de 2006 a pourtant été sauvée par les protestations
massives de la population ».
Saint-Vil souligne « l’étroit réseau de liens entre
ambassadeurs de Port-au-Prince, directeurs d’ONG, importateurs d’aliments
et propriétaires d’usines d’assemblages; tous vivant dans les mêmes
quartiers, envoyant leurs enfants dans les mêmes écoles et se créant une
appartenance commune de type apartheid (…) une mentalité de classe
assiégée qui doit se protéger des autres sauvages ».
Dans ce contexte, il est important pour les occupants
étrangers que des élections soient régulièrement tenues même si elles
n’ont de démocratique que le nom.
La dernière de celles-ci avait lieu le 19 avril. Ce
jour-là, la population haïtienne devait combler douze des trente postes de
sénateurs du pays sans pouvoir voter pour un seul candidat du parti de
Jean-Bertrand Aristide, Famni Lavalas.
C’est que, le 6 février dernier, le Conseil électoral
provisoire (CEP) d’Haïti avait purement et simplement disqualifié tous les
candidats de Lavalas au motif que leurs papiers d’enregistrement ne
portaient pas la signature d’Aristide (qui est en exil!), une procédure
invoquée pour la toute première fois.
Après l’annonce, rapporte l’agence haïtienne Radio
métropole, les officiels du CEP n’étaient pas disponibles pour commenter
leur décision. S’attendant à des protestations, ils s’étaient barricadés
d’avance dans leurs quartiers généraux, bien protégés par les tanks de la
MINUSTAH (Mission des Nations-Unies pour Haïti).
Les dirigeants de Lavalas ont répliqué en poursuivant
le CEP et en appelant au boycottage des élections sénatoriales.
Un juge, Jean-Claude Douyon, a donné raison aux
poursuivants, statuant que le CEP devait réintégrer les candidats Lavalas
dans le processus électoral. Quelques jours plus tard, Douyon était
congédié pour « corruption » par le ministre de la justice de René Préval,
Jean-Joseph Exume!
Mais le plus bel appui qu’a reçu Lavalas et que Bill
Clinton fera sans doute semblant d’ignorer, est l’incroyable réponse de la
population au boycottage des élections. Le 19 avril, en effet, journée
nationale d’élections, seulement 3% de la population s’est présenté aux
bureaux de scrutins!
Redoutant de nuire le moindrement à la politique
étrangère canadienne et malgré l’importante communauté haïtienne de
Montréal, aucun grand média québécois n’a rapporté cet extraordinaire acte
de résistance pacifique d’un peuple qui, depuis 200 ans, est parmi ceux
qui ont le plus souffert!
« Nous voulons féliciter la Communauté internationale
pour son hypocrisie, ironise Ronald Fareau, l’un des leaders de Lavalas.
Ils ont dépensé plus de 17 millions de dollars pour une autre fraude
électorale en Haïti pendant que la population souffre de malnutrition et
d’illettrisme ».
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André Maltais est un collaborateur régulier de Mondialisation.ca. Articles
de André Maltais publiés par Mondialisation.ca
Pour les médias: crgeditor@yahoo.com
© Droits d'auteurs André Maltais,
L'aut'journal.info, 2009
L'adresse url de cet article est:
www.mondialisation.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=13983 |
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Ajouté le Mardi 16 juin 2009 à 22:20 par admin - (suite... | Aucun commentaire) |
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Mèsi Pè Jan Jis |
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Mèsi Pè Jan Jis
Mèsi Pè Jan Jis
Pè Jan Jis, nèg vanyan , nèg dAyiti
Nèg ki t ap goumen pou sa k pi piti
Kit se lakay, kit se Etazini
Pou pwoblèm yo, soufrans yo te fini
Moun ki te pran kantè al Miami
Plis lòt ki te san papye, san fanmi
Anna Ròz, Ti Jan, Ti Piè, Ti Mari
Mizè yo tout, se te mizè Jeri
An Ayiti, se jèn, timoun lari
Moun nan klas pòv, Jan Jis t ap sekouri
Soulye, rad, pou sa ki te toutouni
Sentaniz, Ti Pòl, Ti Zo, Ti Nini
Frè n Jan Jis t ap fè sa Jezi te di
Koze Jezi se pat koze kredi
Ni pawòl pou fè pòv ak pèp dòmi
Se pou sa, Jeri, Jezi, se zanmi
Toulede tou, se menm jan yo mouri
Chèf legliz te lage yo nan kouri
Paske yo pat konn fè Pèpap plezi
Lè yo t ap defann moun y ap toupizi
Konpatriyòt Jan Jis, se yon mati
Gouvènman Bonifas ak Latòti
Yo fè l pase anpil peripesi
Nan batay pou respè demokrasi
Tout sa, anba je moun Nasyonzini
Yo bat Jeri devan sòlda LONI
Sou lòd Bonòm Mari Lisi
Magali Komo ak Kwakou Jesi
Nan legliz Sen Pyè, zòt t ap aplodi
Lilian Pyè Pòl ak yon ekip bandi
Zak moun sa yo pat fè Jeri sezi
Se konsa, lè se kan pèp ou chwazi
Chanpyon dwa moun, bon disip Jezikri
Se sa jounalis gwo peyi ekri
Tankou Wilyam Grayms, Bil Frogameni
Laprès GNBis la, se kalonmni
Delege LONI, Edi Anabi
Aprè tout enjistis Jeri sibi
GNBis paka rete enpini
Nou mande pou mechan sa yo pini
Jeri tande n, frè, salye Izmeri
Potorik gason, Vensan Jan Mari
Tanpri di yo mouche Preval trayi
Pèp la pa ka jwenn menm yon plat mayi
Pè Jan Jis, pou tout sa w te fè ‘’Mèsi’’
Kwè m frè n, ou pa mouri pou granmesi
Tanmen Wanament bout jouk Jeremi
Lit la ap kontinye,jis mayi mi
Père Renaud François
Montréal,Canada.
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Ajouté le Lundi 15 juin 2009 à 21:08 par admin - (suite... | Aucun commentaire) |
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Open Letter Condemn Exclusion of Haiti’s Largest Party from Ballot |
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Open Letter Condemn Exclusion of Haiti’s Largest Party from Ballot
NGO Leaders, Scholars Call for OAS, UN
to Support Holding New, Inclusive Elections in Haiti
Signers of Open Letter Condemn Exclusion of Haiti’s
Largest Party from Ballot
For Immediate Release:
June 2, 2009
Contact:
Fritz Gutwein,
Haiti Reborn Program, (301) 699-0042
Brian Concannon Jr.,
Institute for Justice & Democracy in Haiti, (541) 432-0597
Washington DC and Joseph, OR – Over 30 directors of human rights and solidarity
groups, academics, and prominent individuals from Haiti, the U.S., France and
the U.K. sent an open letter to Organization of American States
Secretary-General José Miguel Insulza and United Nations Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon today urging them to acknowledge the grave problems with Haiti’s April
19 senatorial elections – most notably the exclusion of all candidates from the
largest political party in Haiti, Fanmi Lavalas. Calling the decision to exclude
Fanmi Lavalas seemingly “arbitrary and irregular,” the letter’s signers urged
the OAS and the UN to support the holding of new, inclusive elections. The
letter is signed by Mario Joseph, Managing Attorney
for Bureau des Avocats
Internationaux in Haiti, Bishop Thomas Gumbleton,
Brian Concannon Jr., Director of the Institute for Justice & Democracy in Haiti,
Nicole Lee, Executive Director of TransAfrica Forum, Fritz Gutwein of Haiti
Reborn, and Bill Fletcher Jr., Executive Editor of BlackCommentator.com, among
others.
As described in the letter, Haiti’s Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) decided
to exclude Fanmi Lavalas candidates based on the technicality that the party’s
head, former president Jean Bertrand Aristide, had not signed the forms to
register the candidates. Aristide lives in South Africa, under pressure from the
U.S. government not to return to Haiti, and the CEP deemed a fax of Aristide’s
signature to be insufficient. The letter notes that the CEP did not require such
conditions for Fanmi Lavalas candidates to be registered in the 2006 elections.
The international community – including the UN, the U.S., and Canada condemned
Fanmi Lavalas’ exclusion ahead of the elections.
In response to the barring of its candidates, Fanmi Lavalas called for a boycott
of the elections. Turnout was low, with the CEP saying that 11 percent of
eligible voters cast a ballot on April 19. Despite Fanmi Lavalas’ exclusion, the
apparent widespread participation in the boycott, and various irregularities in
the electoral process, Insulza claimed that the elections were “part of an
invigorated and persistent democratic exercise … contributing to the
institutional consolidation of that country.” The United Nations peacekeeping
mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) “applauded” the elections. Various Senators and
politicians in Haiti from across the political spectrum have meanwhile called
for the elections to be invalidated.
The letter is available at
http://www.ijdh.org/pdf/headline6-2-09.pdf
http://www.hayti.net/tribune/index.php?mod=articles&ac=commentaires&id=704
Traduction française de l´anglais:
http://www.hayti.net/tribune/index.php?mod=articles&ac=commentaires&id=705
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Ajouté le Vendredi 5 juin 2009 à 22:31 par admin - (suite... | Aucun commentaire) |
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Lettre ouverte à l’OEA et à l’ONU |
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Lettre ouverte à l’OEA et à l’ONU
Lettre ouverte à l’OEA et à l’ONU
Traduit de
l’anglais
Monsieur le
Secrétaire Général Ban et Monsieur le Secrétaire Général Insulza,
Nous, les pétitionnaires, sommes préoccupés par le communiqué, émis par vos
organisations, de support inconditionnel pour les élections sénatoriales non
démocratiques du 19 avril 2009. Le Secrétaire Général Insulza prétend que les
élections font « partie d’un processus revigoré et persévérant ... qui
contribue a la consolidation institutionnelle de ce pays ». La mission de
maintien de la paix en Haïti (MINUSTAH) a “applaudi” la publication des
résultats des élections le 28 avril.
Ces déclarations négligent le fait que la majorité des électeurs haïtiens
ont apparemment boycotté l’élection en raison de l’exclusion
injustifié des urnes du plus grand parti politique, le Fanmi Lavalas (FL).
Le fort taux d’abstention ne caractérise pas une simple “indifférence”,
comme vous l’avez décrit, mais bien plutôt un support en masse du boycott.
L’élection a aussi été marquée par de nombreuses interruptions qui ont
empêché les gens de voter. Quelques sénateurs et politiques
de tous bords du
spectre politique ont demandé
que l’élection du 19 avril soit invalidée en raison du faible taux de
participation et de l’exclusion du FL. C’est pourquoi nous demandons à l’OEA
de revoir sa position au sujet des élections sénatoriales du 19 avril 2009
en Haïti, afin de soutenir l’organisation de nouvelles élections.
Traduction française de l´anglais:
http://www.hayti.net/tribune/index.php?mod=articles&ac=commentaires&id=705
The letter is available at
http://www.ijdh.org/pdf/headline6-2-09.pdf
http://www.hayti.net/tribune/index.php?mod=articles&ac=commentaires&id=704
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Ajouté le Vendredi 5 juin 2009 à 22:22 par admin - (suite... | Aucun commentaire) |
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Revolutionary Haitian Priest, Gerard Jean-Juste, Presente |
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Revolutionary Haitian Priest, Gerard Jean-Juste, Presente!
http://www.commondreams.org/view/2009/05/31
Though Haitian priest Father Gerard Jean-Juste died May 27, 2009, at age 62,
in Miami from a stroke and breathing problems, he remains present to millions.
Justice-loving people world-wide mourn his death and celebrate his life. Pere
Jean-Juste worked uncompromisingly for justice for Haitians and the poor, both
in Haiti and in the U.S.
Pere Jean-Juste was a Jesus-like revolutionary. In jail and out, he preached
liberation of the poor, release of prisoners, human rights for all, and a fair
distribution of wealth. A big muscular man with a booming voice and a frequent
deep laugh, he wore a brightly colored plastic rosary around his neck and
carried another in his pocket. Jailed for nearly a year in Haiti by the U.S.
supported coup government which was trying to silence him, Amnesty
International called him a Prisoner of Conscience.
Jean-Juste was a scourge to the unelected coup governments of Haiti, who
served at the pleasure, and usually the direction, of the U.S. government. He
constantly challenged both the powers of Haiti and the U.S. to stop killing
and starving and imprisoning the poor. In the U.S. he fought against
government actions which deported black Haitians while welcoming Cubans and
Nicaraguans and others. In Haiti he called for democracy and respect and human
rights for the poor.
Pere Jean-Juste was sometimes called the most dangerous man in Haiti. That was
because he was not afraid to die. His computer screen saver was a big blue
picture of Mary, the mother of Jesus. "Every day I am ready to meet her." He
once told me, when death threats came again. "I will not stop working for
justice because of their threats. I am looking forward to heaven."
Jean-Juste was a literally a holy terror to the unelected powers of Haiti and
the elected but unaccountable powers of the U.S. Every single day, in jail or
out, he said Mass, read the psalms and jubilantly prayed the rosary. In Port
au Prince he slept on the floor of his church, St. Claire, which provided
meals to thousands of starving children and adults every week. In prison, he
organized local nuns to bring him hundreds of plastic rosaries which he gave
to fellow prisoners and then lead them in daily prayer.
When Pere Jean-Juste began to speak, to preach really, about justice for the
poor and the wrongfully imprisoned, restless crowds drew silent. Listening to
him preach was like feeling the air change before a thunderstorm sweeps in. He
slowly raised his arms. He spread his powerful hands to punctuate his
intensifying words. Minutes passed as the Bible and the Declaration of Human
Rights and today's news were interspersed. Justice for the poor. Freedom for
those in prison. Comfort for those who mourn. The thunder was rolling now.
Crowds were cheering now. Human rights for everyone. Justice for Haiti.
Justice for Haiti. Justice for Haiti.
To the rich, Jean-Juste preached that the man with two coats should give one
to the woman with none. But, unlike most preachers, he did not stop there.
Because there were many people with no coats, Pere Jean-Juste said, no one
could justly claim ownership of a second coat. In fact, those who held onto
second coats were actually thieves who stole from those who had no coats. In
Haiti and the U.S., where there is such a huge gap between the haves and the
have-nots, there was much stealing by the rich from the poor. This was
revolutionary preaching.
During the day, people streamed to his church to ask for help. Mothers walked
miles from Cite de Soleil to his parish to beg him to help them bury their
children. Widows sought help. Families with sons in prison asked for a private
word. Small packets of money and food were quietly given away. Visitors from
rural Haiti, people seeking jobs, many looking for food, police officers who
warned of new threats, political organizers with ideas how to challenge the
unelected government, reporters and people seeking special prayers - all came
all the time.
Every single night when he was home at his church in Port au Prince Pere
Jean-Juste led a half hour public rosary for anyone who showed up. Most of the
crowd was children and older women who came in part because the church was the
only place in the neighborhood which had electricity. He walked the length of
the church booming out the first part of the Hail Mary while children held his
hand or trailed him calling out their part of the rosary. The children and the
women came night after night to pray in Kreyol with Mon Pere.
Pere Jean-Juste lived the preferential option for the poor of liberation
theology. Because he was always in trouble with the management of the church,
who he also freely criticized, he was usually not allowed regular church
parish work. In Florida, he lay down in his clerical blacks on the road in
front of busses stopping them from taking Haitians to be deported from the
U.S. For years he lived on the run in Haiti, moving from house to house. When
he was arrested on trumped up charges, he refused to allow people with money
to bribe his way out of jail, he would stay with the poor and share their
treatment.
He dedicated his entire adult life to the revolutionary proposition that every
single person is entitled to a life of human dignity. No matter the color of
skin. No matter what country they were from. No matter how poor or rich. No
matter woman or man.
His last time in court in Haiti, when the judge questioned him about a bogus
weapons charge against him, Pere Jean-Juste dug into his pocket, pulled out
his plastic prayer beads, thrust them high in the air and bellowed, to the
delight of the hundreds in attendance, "My rosary is my only weapon!" The
crowd roared and all charges were dropped.
Gerard Jean-Juste lived with and fought for and with widows and orphans and
those in jail and those being deported and the hungry and the mourning and the
sick and the persecuted. Our world is better for his time among us.
Mon Pere, our brother, your spirit, like those of all who struggle for justice
for others, lives on. Presente!
By Bill Quigley. Bill represented Pere Jean-Juste many times in Haiti
along with the Bureau des Avocats Internationaux in Port au Prince and the
Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti. Bill is on leave from
Loyola University College of Law in New Orleans serving as Legal Director of
the Center for Constitutional Rights. He can be contacted at
quigley77@gmail.com
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Ajouté le Lundi 1er juin 2009 à 22:11 par admin - (suite... | 2 commentaires) |
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Hommage au Père Gérard Jean Juste |
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Père Gérard Jean Juste
Voilà que Père Gérard Jean Juste vient de rejoindre l’éternité. C’est une grande perte pour Haïti, mais aussi une grande perte pour nous tous, pour l’humanité entière… Nous sommes comme mutilés quelque part. Voilà un Juste ! (dans le sens biblique du mot)… La bonté et l’intuition du Père Jean Juste l’avaient mis en alerte sur toutes les situations d’injustice et d’intolérance qu’il y avait autour de lui. Premier de cordée, il était avec Antoine Adrien et d’autres, aux avant postes pour aider le peuple haïtien à se libérer. Loyal jusqu’au bout, il ne s’est jamais renié. Fidèle jusqu’au bout, il a traversé les pires souffrances de l’incompréhension avec un tel courage et une telle grandeur d’âme ! Intègre jusqu’au bout, il avait le sens du devoir. Militant jusqu’au bout, il a porté dignement et sans faillir le flambeau des Droits de l’Homme.
Il savait par intuition et par foi « qu’un grand amour m’attend » comme disait Saint Jean de la Croix, qui poursuivait « je viens me jeter dans ton amour, ton amour qui m’attend ».
La seule fois où j’ai pu le rencontrer il m’a redit avec force cette parole de Martin Luther King : « Une injustice commise quelque part est une menace pour la justice dans le monde ». Nous ne sommes pas prêts d’oublier!
Jean-Marie GAUTHIER
Conseiller Principal d’Education
Au LEP de Blanchet
(Basse-Terre - Guadeloupe)
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Ajouté le Samedi 30 mai 2009 à 21:59 par admin - (suite... | Aucun commentaire) |
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Reveran Pè Gérard Jean Juste Triyonfe sou lanmò |
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Dr Jean-Bertrand Aristide Reveran Pè Gérard Jean Juste Triyonfe sou lanmò

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Pè Jean Juste triyonfe
Paske nan pòt lanmò a,
Sèl paspò e sèl viza
Ki konte se LANMOU.
E se la ! Wi , wi, se la !
Se la, nan pòt lanmò a
Nou tout gen pou pase.
Se la, sèl paspò e sèl viza
Ki konte se LANMOU.
Se la, nan vil Jerizalèm,
Anndan jaden Jetsemani,
Arestasyon Jezu te fèt
Nan blakawout lahèn.
Se la, nan Petyon Vil,
Anndan legliz Sen Pyè,
Arestasyon Pè Djeri te fèt
Nan menm blakawout la.
Se la, sou tèt tèt mòn kalvè,
Tout bouji lanmou te etenn
Pou mechan yo sakrifye Jezu.
Se la, nan kacho prizon lakay,
Yo te deja sakrifye Pè Jean Juste
Sou lotèl kidnapinn 29 fevriye a.
Se la, akoz lanmou ki nan kè l,
Jezu te ofri tout san ki nan kò l
Pou wouze tout jaden delivrans.
Se la, nan swiv Jezu ke l renmen,
Pè Jean Juste ofri dènye gout san pa l
Pou Ayiti tounen yon tè delivrans.
Se la, nou ka dekouvri aklè
Pa gen pi gwo prèv lanmou
Pase lè ou sakrifye lavi ou
Pou moun ou renmen yo.
Se la tou nou dekouvri
Mouchwa konsolasyon
Pou siye dlo nan je moun
Ki renmen Frè nou an.
Onè pou ou, Pè Jean Juste !
Respè pou ou, Frè nou Djeri !
W ap toujou ret byen vivan
Nan lespri moun ki renmen w.
Se la ou triyonfe sou lanmò !
Plis nou rale zetwal konpliman
Pou ofri w kouwòn rekonesans,
Plis nap kontinye toujou sonje :
Se la, nan pòt lanmò a
Nou tout gen pou pase.
Se la, sèl paspò e sèl viza
Ki konte se LANMOU.
Dr Jean-Bertrand Aristide
Pretoria, 28 -05- 2009 |
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Ajouté le Jeudi 28 mai 2009 à 15:59 par admin - (suite... | Aucun commentaire) |
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Haiti's Great White Hope? |
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Haiti's Great White Hope? - JamaicaObserver.com

Haiti's Great White Hope?
COMMON SENSE
JOHN MAXWELL
http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/columns/html/20090523T170000-0500_152049_OBS_HAITI_S_GREAT_WHITE_HOPE_.asp
Sunday, May 24, 2009
History is littered with treachery. In the noisome Slough of
Dishonour are mired thousands of reputations, most of those who betrayed their
own countries, like Pierre Laval, Vidkun Quisling, Jonas Savimbi and Augusto
Pinochet.
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| JOHN MAXWELL |
The deepest pits, though, the most purulent sinks, are reserved
for those who have ranged abroad to betray and sabotage strangers, to inflict
unnecessary suffering on people who have never given them cause for complaint.
People like Leopold of Belgium, Neville Chamberlain, Hitler, Ariel Sharon and
George W Bush spring readily to mind. On Monday, former President Clinton
announced that he would accept an invitation from the UN secretary general, Ban
Ki Moon of South Korea, to become the SG's personal envoy in Haiti. It is an
appointment that will end in disaster. I mention Ban Ki Moon's nationality
because I believe that the disaster that already exists in Haiti is the result
of a culture clash which is entirely incomprehensible to most people outside the
Western hemisphere and not easily understood by most people outside the
international crime scene that has been created in Haiti.
Ground Zero for Modern Civilisation
It is my contention that the modern world was born in Haiti. When
you understand that the modern rotary printing press is a direct descendant of
mills made to grind sugar you may begin to get the drift of my argument. Since I
am not a historian my arguments will not be subtle and nuanced. I am simply
presenting a few crude facts which, however you interpret them, will lead
inexorably, I believe, to the conclusion that modern ideas of liberty and
freedom, modern capitalism and globalisation of production and exchange, would
have spent much longer in gestation had it not been for the black slaves of
Haiti who abolished slavery and the slave trade. In the process they defeated
the armies of the leading world powers of the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries, destroyed the French empire in the western hemisphere, doubled the
size and power of the United States and incidentally promoted the European sugar
beet industry and revolutionised European farming.
The problem with all this, as I have repeatedly pointed out, is
that had the Haitians been ethnically European, their achievements would now
suffuse the world narrative; conversely, had Spartacus been black, he would long
ago have faded into the mists of barbarian myth. The Haitians and all the other
blacks of the Western hemisphere were uprooted from their native grounds, their
civilisations laid waste, and they themselves transported to unknown lands in
which they were forced to create unexampled riches and luxury for their rapists
and despoilers.
For reasons lost to history, the blacks in Haiti and Jamaica were,
for most of their captivity, the most unwilling subjects and continued to fight
for their freedom for more than three centuries. The Enlightenment and its
prophets and philosophers popularised the ideas of freedom and liberty, the
rights of man. Nowhere was freedom taken more seriously than by the Haitians,
who, described as Frenchmen, fought valiantly for American freedom in that
nation's Revolutionary War of Independence. When Revolution convulsed France in
turn, the Haitians threw their support to those they thought were fighting for
freedom. When that proved a false trail, the Haitians continued to fight,
defeating the French, British and Spanish armies sent to re-enslave them.
Although the Americans and the French said they believed in
freedom, they formed an unholy combination to restrict Haiti's liberty. The fact
of Haitian freedom frightened the Americans and other world powers. Haiti
promised freedom to any captive who set foot on her soil and armed, provisioned
and supplied trained soldiers to Simon Bolivar for the liberation of South
America. Nearly 200 years before the United Nations (and France and the USA),
Haiti proclaimed Universal Human Rights, threatening the slave societies in
America and the Caribbean. Haiti's freedom was compromised by French and
American financial blackmail, and as I've said before, what the Atlantic powers
could not achieve by force of arms they achieved by compound interest. Haiti was
the first heavily indebted poor country, and the United States, Canada, France
and the multilateral financial organisations, the World Bank, the InterAmerican
Development Bank and the IMF have worked hard to keep her in that bondage.
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| In this March 10, 2009 file photo, former US
President Bill Clinton greets United Nations workers in Port-au-Prince. The
United Nations recently named Clinton as its special envoy to Haiti, with a
mission to help the impoverished nation achieve some measure of stability
after devastating floods and other crises. (Photo: AP) |
Eventually, 93 years ago, the Americans invaded Haiti, destroyed
the constitution, the government and their social system. American Jim Crow
segregation and injustice destroyed the Haitian middle class, enhanced and
exacerbated class distinctions and antagonisms and left Haiti a ravaged,
dysfunctional mess, ruled by a corrupt American-trained military in the interest
of a small, corrupt gang of mainly expatriate or white capitalists, ready to
support any and every murderous dictator who protected their interests.
Finally, 20 years ago, the Haitians rose up and overthrew the
Duvaliers and the apprentice dictators who followed. In their first free
election the Haitians elected a black parish priest of small stature, the man
whose words and spirit had embodied their struggle. But the real rulers of
Haiti, the corrupt, bloodthirsty capitalists with their American passports and
their bulletproof SUVs, had no intention of letting Haitians exercise the
universal human rights their leaders had proclaimed two centuries before.
When Jean Bertrand Aristide was deposed after a few months in
office, it was with the help of the CIA, USAID, and other American entities.
Then ensued one of the most disgraceful episodes in the long, unsavoury history
of diplomacy. Bill Clinton - elected president promising to treat the Haitian
refugees as human beings - elected instead to observe the same barbarous
policies as George Bush I, and when the refugees became a flood, Clinton's
answer was more illegality. He parked two massive floating slave barracoons in
Kingston Harbour where refugees picked up in Jamaican waters were, with the
craven connivance of the Patterson government, denied asylum, captured and
processed and 22 per cent of them selected for the Guantanamo Bay concentration
camp while the rest were returned to their murderers in Haiti.
Eventually, largely due to pressure from black pressure groups in
the US and crucially, a fast to the death begun by Randolph Robinson, Clinton
agreed to restore Aristide while General Colin Powell talked grandly of the
soldier's honour he shared with Haiti's then murderer-in-chief, a scamp called
Raoul Cedras. President Clinton made several pledges to Aristide and to Haiti,
but history does not seem to record that any were kept. Had even a few been kept,
Haiti may have been able to guarantee public security and to instal some
desperately needed infrastructure. Instead Haitians are still scooping water to
drink from potholes in the street and stave off hunger with 'fritters' made from
earth and cooking fat.
The Haitian Army, the most corrupt and evil public institution in
the western hemisphere, was abolished by Aristide, to the displeasure of the
North American powers. Now that the Americans have deposed Aristide for the
second time, security is in the hands of a motley mercenary army, a UN
peacekeeping force. Security in Haiti is so good that three years ago, the then
head of this force, a Brazilian general, was found shot to death after a
friendly chat with Haitian elites. The rapes, massacres, disappearances and
kidnappings continue unabated and the only popular political force, the Fanmi
Lavalas, has been effectively neutered. President Clinton "will aim to attract
private and government investment and aid for the poor Caribbean island nation",
according to Clinton's office and a senior UN official. "A UN official said that
Clinton would act as a 'cheerleader' for the economically distressed country,
cajoling government and business leaders into pouring fresh money into a place
that is largely dependent on foreign assistance."
It all sounds so nice and cosy, a poor, black 'hapless' nation
under the tutelage of the rich and civilised of the earth. I am prepared to bet
that neither Haitian democracy nor Bill Clinton's reputation will survive this
appointment. Democracy is impossible without popular participation and decision
making. In Haiti, democracy is impossible without Lavalas and Aristide. If Haiti
itself is to survive, the UN General Assembly needs to seize this baton from the
spectacularly unqualified and ignorant Security Council and its very nice and
affable secretary general, even less attuned to Haitian reality than the last
SG, Kofi Annan and his accomplices, Colin Powell, Condoleezza Rice, PJ Patterson
and Patrick Manning.
Copyright ©2009 John Maxwell
jankunnu@gmail.com
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Ajouté le Lundi 25 mai 2009 à 22:50 par admin - (suite... | Aucun commentaire) |
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